Indian jihadist group calls for attacks on non Muslims

Indian jihadist group calls for  attacks on non Muslims

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By Rupam Jain Nair

A group of Indian Islamic militants, operating out of Pakistan, has called for attacks on non Muslims in the region in retaliation for U.S.-led air strikes on fighters of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.

The head of the little-known Ansar al-Tawhid fi’Bilad al-Hind urged Muslims to kill foreigners and other infidels in mainly Hindu India where Muslims have largely stayed away from global jihad.

"If you are in the fortunate position to kill an American or European, whether French or Australian or Canadian, or other unbelievers who have declared war on the Islamic State, then do so," said Maulana Abdul Rehman al-Nadwi al-Hindi in a 30-minute video posted online last week.

Indian security analysts said that Maulana Abdul Rehman is a pseudonym for fugitive jihadist Sultan Abdul Kadir Armar, a former resident of southern India who attended an Islamist seminary before going to Pakistan.

"Kill the idol worshippers wherever you find them ... shoot them if you can, stab them, throw stones at their heads, poison them, run them over, burn their fields - and if you are unable ... spit in their faces," al-Hindi said, referring to Hindus.

The emergence of a Islamic State-aligned militant group in India comes weeks after al Qaeda announced the formation of an Indian branch, aiming to rouse the world's third largest Muslim population into action.

"There is no doubt that the radicalisation process has begun in different parts of the country. Islamic fundamentalists are seeking to indoctrinate Indian Muslims," said Ajay Sahni, executive director of the Institute for Conflict Management in New Delhi which monitors militant groups across South Asia.

The rapid rise of the Islamic State has evoked admiration among some groups in India and the flags of the insurgent group have appeared at rallies in Indian Kashmir, the country's only Muslim-majority state and the site of a nearly 25-year armed revolt.

The push for new jihadi recruits comes at a time of increased tension between Muslims and Hindus in India following the election of Narendra Modi as prime minister in May. Some of Modi's Hindu nationalist followers have been stirring up communal differences.

India has long believed that its democracy provided a platform for Muslims and other minority groups to address grievances and that they didn't have to turn to violent jihad to pursue their aims.

Modi said last month that al Qaeda would struggle to recruit members from India's 175-million strong Muslim community and praised Muslims for their commitment to fight for the country.

Two suspected al Qaeda supporters were killed when a bomb they were making exploded in a house in the state of West Bengal on Oct. 2, police told Reuters. Police said they found documents linked to al Qaeda and Chechen rebels.

 

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In fact, rainbow's glow is a cloak,which does't give the water.

Bhutan eyes China, but bond with India remains strong

Is Bhutan getting closer to China? Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao briefly met the Bhutanese Prime Minister Jigmi Y. Thinley on the sidelines of the G20 Rio summit in June 2012. The 20th round of boundary talks between the two countries in August has also made the situation critically worth watching for India. India's Minister of State in External Affairs E Ahamed responded to a related query raised in Parliament in late August on the Sino-Bhutan relationship by stating that "the government keeps a constant watch on all developments having a bearing on India's security." Recent advances in the Sino-Bhutanese relationship have clearly been multi-faceted, touching on cooperation in political and economic matters, which link to India's regional strategic interests and its relationship with Bhutan, where India has traditionally been the "guiding" partner of Bhutan's foreign affairs. Bhutan currently does not have diplomatic ties with China, but in the light of the growing political understanding between them, mainly their regular border talks and attempt at demarcating their common boundary, it may not be long before Sino-Bhutanese diplomatic ties are formally established. Bhutan and China have some 470 kilometers of unresolved borders. China has shown keen interest in having a deal with Bhutan's northwestern areas in lieu of exchanging some specific central areas in the border region. Bhutan's northwestern region is close to the Chumbi Valley, and particularly to Tibet, and India's state of Sikkim. Any settlement between China and Bhutan on these border issues is bound to affect India's national interests. Bhutan, India and China constitute a "tripartite" strategic triangle in the Eastern Himalayan region. The Chumbi Valley, located in the Yadong county of Tibet Autonomous Region, is close to the Siliguri corridor of India's northeast. India fears that China will have an edge once China's border negotiation with Bhutan succeeds. There has been a surge of political interactions between China and Bhutan all these years. Before their 1984 border talks, Bhutan's border issue with China was part and parcel of the broader Sino-Indian border discourse. While many in India would presume that the China-Bhutan boundary talks are a cause of discomfort, India still conducts its relations with Bhutan on a separate and independent track. From the Indian standpoint, Bhutan remains central to its broader Himalayan sub-regional politics. The India-Bhutan relationship is based on the 1949 Treaty of Friendship, updated in February 2007 when King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuk visited India. The 2007 treaty is fundamentally different from its predecessor treaty, and puts Bhutan internationally on a different track. In 1949, the government agreed "to be guided by the advice of the Government of India in regard to its external relations." The revised version states that "the Government of the Kingdom of Bhutan and the Government of the Republic of India shall cooperate closely with each other on issues relating to their national interests." Even so, Article 2 of the 2007 treaty states that both countries need to "cooperate closely with each other on issues relating to their national interests." Bhutan's holding bilateral border talks with China is linked to India's national interests in the Eastern Himalayan region. Hence, it is expected that Bhutan should consult India on the matter. A few contours of the 2007 treaty are also central to the overall India-Bhutan relationship. It shows the solidarity that India shares with Bhutan, and the trust Bhutan still maintains with India. While it notes the "perpetual peace and friendship" between the two countries, it stresses mutual trust and understanding, and aims to maximize cooperation in various fields, including trade and economics, particularly in hydroelectric power sector. Though Bhutan is completely sovereign and independent today, still it will be difficult for Bhutan to ignore India's influence, contribution and partnership both at bilateral and global levels. Many Chinese people and businessmen have shown an interest in touring and investing in Bhutan. Bhutan has pursued the one-China policy, and has started seeing China as an economic opportunity. Yet, the Indians are the predominant community in Bhutan currently. In terms of security and economic stakes, India still has a huge share and stake in Bhutan as a close partner and neighbor. Though India would like to maintain the same vigor of cooperation and trust with Bhutan, much will depend upon how Bhutan decides to maintain and conduct its relationship with the outside world. Bhutan must act smartly, and shouldn't really complicate its bearings either with China or India. China may genuinely be a matter of economic attraction, but Bhutan is still deeply ingrained politically with India. The institutional cooperation between Bhutan and India is still vital for Bhutan's future.

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Bhutan- 31 candidates confirmed: DNT

Bhutan

31 candidates confirmed: DNT

23 of the confirmed candidates have master’s degrees in various fields such as economics, business management, politics, HRD, engineering, among others. Only eight of the confirmed candidates are with bachelor’s degree. Out of 47 seats required by a political party to contest in the 2013 elections, Druk Nyamrup Tshogpa (DNT) has 31 candidates confirmed. “We are not at all disappointed with the progress we have made so far. The focus being to garner candidates, we have managed to rope in some of the best. Their integrity, sincerity of purpose and intelligence are beyond doubt and, given the chance, we pretty much feel we have the wherewithal to take this country forward,” said the party’s spokesperson, Dr. Tandin Dorji. He said 11 seats from the 17 constituencies in the eastern Dzongkhags have been confirmed. The six districts of eastern Dzongkhags are Trashigang, Mongar, Lhuentse, Trashiyangtse, Pemagatshel and Samdrup Jongkhar. From the western part of the country, DNT has nine indentified candidates. The seven Dzongkhags of western Bhutan has 14 constituencies. The seven Dzongkhags are Paro, Thimphu, Wangdue, Haa, Gasa, Chukha and Punakha. In the central Bhutan, out of the six seats in the three Dzongkhags of Trongsa, Zhemgang and Bumthang, four seats are filled. In the southern Bhutan dzongkhags of Samtse, Sarpang, Dagana and Tsirang out of the total of 10 seats, 7 are filled. The average age of the confirmed candidates is 44 years. Only four candidates above 50 years. 17 are in the forties. Nine are in the thirties. The youngest is 29 years old. “The fact that they are also fairly young, the average age being 44, gives us the confidence that they will be energetic, creative, not be afraid to dream big and implement big,” said Dr. Tandin Dorji. He said in terms of qualification, 23 of the confirmed candidates have master’s degrees in various fields such as economics, business management, politics, HRD, engineering, among others. Only eight of the confirmed candidates are with bachelor’s degree. As far as work experience is concerned, 80% of the confirmed candidates have at least 15 years behind them. “This crop of people, I would say, is the generation next. They deserve the opportunity to prove they can shoulder the responsibilities of leading the nation. And they can. We don’t believe in the indispensability of anyone nor should anyone try to perpetuate that belief.” The party has five women candidates confirmed. DNT say they are aiming to get at least 15 women candidates. “The identity of Nyamrup Tshogpa is taking shape – as a party driven by young and energetic people with intellectual acumen, drive and pragmatism,” said the party’s spokesperson.

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Eco- Tourism in Bhutan Local services underused

Merak and Sakteng gewog officials said benefits to the two communities from tourism were insignificant if tour operators from Thimphu continued not using local services. Official of the two gewogs said the communities had very minimal benefits to show from eco-tourism. That, they said defied the very term “eco-tourism” attached with the two nomadic communities of the east, if they refused to use the services the communities provided. Merak mangmi Jurmey said the community had very little improvements from eco-tourism to show because, save of porter and pony, rest of the services like trained local chefs and guides were underutilised. He said tour operators brought their own chefs and guides. Sakteng geowg administrative officer Pema Tenzin also said that except of porter and pony tshogpa (committee) none of the other service providers in Sakteng benefited from tourism. Tourism in Merak and Sakteng began since September 1, 2010 solely to elevate the community economically. The government deliberately left the road connectivity to these gewogs halfway so local communities could benefits from eco-tourism. Since these communities were opened to tourism, about 71 tourists visited Merak and Sakteng until 2011. Around eight more visited until June 2012. More are expected to visit this autumn. A comparative analysis by end of 2012 will basically show whether eco-tourism in Merak and Sakteng actually picked up and if the communities prospered. Before the two gewogs opened up to tourism, herders form both Merak and Sakteng were trained as chefs and guides to cater to the tourists. “The objective of training locals was to maximise benefits to the community,” gewog officials said. “Well so far, we have been unable to reap all that benefits.” Pema Tenzin said tour operators refused to use local services despite gewogs officials’ repeated pleas. “They say it involved excessive expenses in hiring local chefs and guides,” he said. Merak gup Gaydhen said that just training local chefs and guides was of no benefit to the communities unless their services are used. The gewogs officials said they also urged tour operators to come in national dress while visiting the two communities of Merak and Sakteng, which stood as an embodiment of country’s efforts towards promoting its unique culture. “Tourist guides claiming trekking in gho or kira inappropriate and uncomfortable is lame,” Pema Tenzin said. “Even senior civil servants and politicians trek to the communities in national dress.” Gewog officials said while their plea fell on tour operators’ deaf ears tourism council ought should intervene. “They should urge the tour operators to use only local guides and chefs while visiting Merak and Sakteng,” gup Gaydhen said. “The council must ensure that tour operators avail our services while they are in our communities.” Not many tourists showed up in early spring though.

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